Yet what happened this spring in Oregon is just one example, albeit perhaps the most extreme, of a broader trend upset Democratic strategists and lawmakers focused on maximizing earnings. of the party in the redistribution. In key states over the past decade, Democrats have taken control of state legislatures and governors that have long been responsible for drawing new maps – to cede that authority, often to independent commissions tasked with drawing boundaries. policies without partisan interference.

Supporters of these initiatives say it is good governance to prohibit politicians from drawing districts for themselves and their party. But exasperated Democrats retort that it has crippled them in the battle to hold the House, diluting or nullifying their ability to gerrymander like Republicans plan to do in many Red states. And with the House so closely divided, Democrats will need every perk to hold on to their majority in 2022.

“We Democrats are cursed by this blindness to good government,” said Representative Gerry Connolly of Virginia, a Democratic state that will nevertheless have its map of Congress drawn by a newly created independent commission.

“In rabid partisan states that are controlled by Republicans, they cut left and right. And we’re sort of disarming unilaterally, ”Connelly conceded, before adding: “But having said that, I still side with reforming this process because it has to start somewhere.”

Only a handful of states had cutting commissions a decade ago, but the number has since increased largely thanks to a campaign by National Democrats, including former Attorney General Eric Holder, to educate voters on the issue. gerrymandering – portraying him primarily as an abomination Republican, despite the practice’s bipartisan history.

Outside of Oregon, Democrats are also worried about Virginia and Colorado, both of which will have new independent commissions after state lawmakers – and voters – pass amendments creating them. Together, these three states represent 25 seats in the House.

The saga of the Virginia Redistribution Commission, however, proved to be the most controversial.

National Democrats poured more than $ 10 million into the state in the 2019 election and described the capture of the state legislature as crucial to the party’s redistribution fate. They took both houses, securing full control of Richmond under Democratic Governor Ralph Northam.

Democratic legislative candidates campaigned by pledging to support an existing amendment that would create a redistribution commission. But when it came time to vote, they balked.

The proposed 16-person commission includes eight state lawmakers, four from each party. At least two Republican lawmakers must approve a map – giving the GOP a de facto veto power – and if the committee finds itself in a bind, the Republican-leaning state The Supreme Court intervenes.

Most Democrats in the House of Delegates voted against putting the amendment on the ballot. But nine defected and voted with Republicans to pass it, and voters overwhelmingly approved it in November.

“We just don’t seem to have the guts to go out and play politics like Republicans do,” said Ben Tribbett, a Virginia-based Democratic agent.

The stakes are high: Democrats now represent seven of Virginia’s 11 congressional districts. But two of them are hard-won battlefield sieges – held by Reps Abigail Spanberger and Elaine Luria – which they hoped to consolidate under a new map. Also on the wishlist: Make GOP Reps Rob Wittman and Bob Good’s Districts more competitive.

“I didn’t approve it. I thought it was poorly designed,” said Democratic Representative Donald McEachin, who represents the Richmond area. “Overall, I think unless everyone is doing redistribution commissions, our party is at a disadvantage.”

This is what the House Democrats proposed in their electoral reform bill, HR 1 (117). Yet this legislation, which would require independent redistribution commissions, is unlikely to be successful. go through the Senate.

Meanwhile, few Democrats dispute that they have been much quicker to pass commissions or power-sharing deals in states where they have triple control over redistribution.

Holder’s group, the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, presented the change as a crucial part of the battle for the integrity of American democracy that transcends any immediate political gain, as Republicans use gerrymandering as a form of voter suppression. .

“We want fairness, and we put our money where our mouth is,” said Kelly Ward Burton, group president. “We have pushed for fairness in the states where we have control or influence. We do it even at the national level. “

“The Republicans are not,” she added, “because they intend to manipulate the cards to retain power.”

Redistribution is a difficult process for Democrats, who remain scarred by their 2010 experience. Legislative and state governor losses excluded them from the mapping in nearly every major state, and Democratic strongholds like California and Washington already had commissions in effect. square. Republicans were asserting their advantage in states like Texas, while Democrats couldn’t counter.

They promised to get more control ahead of the 2020 redistribution – and they did. But that has made recent developments all the more frustrating.

Some Oregon Democrats insist the short-term gain, the end of the legislative deadlock, was not worth the price of a decade of a compromise card. And in an interview last month, DeFazio said House Speaker Tina Kotek made the decision without consulting members from other parts of the state.

“She’s totally Portland-centric, and nothing outside of Multnomah County exists about her,” DeFazio said, adding, “It’s just inexplicable and arrogant.”

In a statement, Kotek’s office retorted that it had “ensured an open, transparent and thorough legislative process” for the redistribution, while dealing with state affairs. “President Kotek is working to make sure that our government is really trying to help those in need after a year of crisis,” said Danny Moran, spokesperson for the president.

The state, which currently has four Democrats and a Republican in Congress, wins a seat. Schrader and DeFazio are the only Democrats who don’t represent a significant part of Portland, the state’s largest city, and their neighborhoods have at times been competitive.

In Colorado, a Democratic-led state chamber joined a Republican-led State Senate in 2018 to place a redistribution commission proposal on the ballot paper.

Privately, some Democrats in the state weren’t convinced by the idea. But others were eager to anticipate an attempt by Colorado Republicans to collect signatures for their own redistribution amendment proposing a commission with more GOP-friendly parameters.

Ultimately, the amendment passed with few detractors – the legislature voted to place it on the ballot, and voters gave it a seal of approval as well. From now on, the eight districts of Colorado will be chosen by lot by a commission.

“I don’t see it that way,” Rep. Joe Neguse (D-Colo.) Said when asked if this was a missed opportunity for the party. “It’s good government, and I think in the end, that’s what non-partisan redistribution is.”

There are 17 states where Democrats have control of the legislature and governor’s mansion – or a qualified legislative majority that can override the veto of a GOP governor. Yet all but a half-dozen of them have some form of commission or power-sharing, and another, Delaware, has only one congressional district.

True, Democrats plan to be aggressive in states where there are few constraints. A proposed Illinois map could give Democrats control of 14 of the state’s 17 seats. In Maryland, there’s a certain Democratic appetite to claim all of its eight districts – taking the current Democratic 7-1 card, one of the nation’s most notable gerrymanders, and pushing things a little deeper. far.

In New Mexico and New York, Democrats gave a commission a chance to draw new maps – but allowed their legislatures to retain the final say. They represent a roadblock for Democrats, but not insurmountable; legislators can reject these cards and adopt theirs.

Still, Republicans are in control in places like Texas, Georgia, Florida, and North Carolina. And they only need five seats to reclaim the House, which they could eventually achieve with favorable cards in those states alone.

The NDRC, which will serve as the party’s legal clearinghouse for redistribution, said Democrats remain lucid about the challenges ahead.

“We will fight tooth and nail in the United States with every tool at our disposal to prevent them from locking gerrymandered cards,” Ward Burton said. of their plans if HR1 does not pass. “We will sue them. We fully plan to be in court. And that will be the battleground on which we fight for a level playing field. We are ready for it.”